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Paper Abstract: History in Gr. Britain (1760-1850). Impact on professionalization of science & education & on Western Europe. Paper Introduction: The First Industrial Revolution (1760-1850) had an immense impact on the institutionalization and professionalization of science in the leading nations of Western Europe. This Revolution was limited to Great Britain which, in addition to possessing the optimum combination of resources and circumstances, was a unified national entity--unlike the German states--and did not suffer the upheavals of revolution or the expenditure of its resources on wars of conquest--as happened in France. Because of these and other circumstances Britain, France, and Germany took very different approaches to the creation of scientific institutions, including colleges and universities, and the development of scientific professions. In Britain, in the most general terms, the laissez-faire attitude that lent itself to the flourishing of industry also predominated Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. 2 7-2 8).This 'way' included state management of the socialization processes--the"generalization of industrial production and of the knowledge andcompetence in the citizens required for [this] by public measures" (Rang-Dudzik, p. By the nineteenth century the Prussian state's approach touniversity faculties was based on the professoriate's own emerging'research imperative' which held that "the professor's responsibility isnot only to transmit academic learning but also to expand it throughcriticism and research" (Turner, p. The modern university only emerged in the course of the nineteenthcentury. Aldershot, England: Variorum. Science, the university, and the state in nineteenth- century France. The general tendency towardcentralization in France extended to the establishment of those departmentsof the state that were responsible for certain functions on a kingdom-widebasis. 19). 2 6-233). Indeed, although the sluggishness of theAncien Régime and the upheavals that followed the Revolution contributed toFrance's failure to industrialize in the eighteenth century, the Revolutionproved to be the salvation of French science and "helped decisively shiftthe centre of scientific excellence back from England to the continent"(Rose & Rose, 1969, p. The early industrialprogress made in Britain had relied on technological advances such asinnovations in textile manufacturing, the gradual development of moreefficient steam power, and progressive improvements in iron and steelproduction--all of which depended only to a limited degree on advances inpure science. There was a great proliferation of posts thatcould be held by scientists and, because each faculty was largelyresponsible only to itself for its standards of research, it was to behoped that the promised professionalization would result in a unlimitedfuture for the sciences. Other such institutions as the École del'Artillerie et du Génie (1747) which served the corps of militaryengineers were similarly successful--and still more were started butfailed. Unlike France, where the bourgeoisie pressed for reform and the'people's' interest was considered, or Britain, where bourgeois andaristocratic entrepreneurs were the interested parties, the Prussianbourgeoisie was weak and the absolutist state took responsibility for thecoming transformation of the economy. The Corps des Ponts et Chaussées, for example, was the statecommunications authority and, in centralized France, good communicationswere vital "sometimes from the military and political points of view,sometimes as necessary for economic development" (Cardwell, 1994, p. There were two reasons why a Britishscientific discovery could be so readily commandeered by the Germans.First, it was only in Germany that one could find "sufficienttechnologically-minded industrialists prepared to invest adequately in anew science-based industry, as opposed to an old-established traditionalone"--a clear positive result of the Prussian attitude toward raisinggeneral scientific awareness and encouraging bourgeois education andinvestment (Rose & Rose, 1969, p. The link between science and technology maynot be obvious at first but "the seams that connected science and industryran deep into the heart of the community of natural philosophers andentrepreneurs, whether landed magnates or mine owners" (Stewart, p. The great difficulty of the system, however, wasthat the lycées furnished training for the baccalauréat, "the onlyuniversity qualification in science or letters that was prized at all," andcandidates for higher degrees were usually self-taught and seldom appearedbefore the faculties until the day of their examinations (Fox, p. This wasan onerous duty to some academic scientists and an opportunity to mediocrescientists who flourished as orators and entertainers in the publicspotlight. Otte (Eds.), Epistemological and social problems of the sciences in the early nineteenth century (pp. 279). On education as a mediating element between development and application: The plans for the Berlin Polytechnical Institute (1817-185 ). 8). The French and Germangovernments, however, did not make such mistakes because they started frombehind. 567. 1 9). With the advent of the July Monarchyin 183 the public duties of the faculties of science and letters began tooutweigh their opportunities for research or serious teaching. The rôle of science in the industrial revolution: A study of Josiah Wedgwood as a scientist and industrial chemist. In an intensive study of the pottery manufacturer JosiahWedgwood's (173 -1795) understanding of chemistry and use ofexperimentation McKendrick (1973) has shown how thoroughly some of theleading industrialists were versed in the science of the day. Theseinstitutions were quite deliberately oriented toward the general welfare ofthe nation. The emerging figure of the scientist neededthe support of university positions, professional organizations, and bothofficial and informal institutions in which ideas could be shared if therewas ever to be a sufficient body of experimental progress that would placenew ideas in the hands of those who would, in turn, produce the technicalapplications that would ensure the economic progress coveted by theEuropean nations. 567. By the182 s the grammar schools had changed from "institution[s] preparing for afew university courses (theology, law, medicine) to institution[s]preparing for a scientific university education" (Rang-Dudzik, p. Generally, as Cardwell notes,technical colleges or technological universities "developed where thedirect interest of the state was involved: defence in the case of allnations, a mining monopoly in the case of Austria-Hungary and Saxony,communications in France" (p. 274-319). Some of the pre-revolutionary state schools such as the École desPonts et Chaussées, the École des Mines, and the École Vétérinaire werecontinued while others, such as the École du Génie, were reorganized. 19). But the early industrialization of theUnited Kingdom was an impetus to a vastly expanded interest in science--atleast outside Britain. Promoting education was seen, therefore, as a means "tofacilitate the transition from the primarily state-organized economicactivity, as it prevailed in mercantilism, to a mobilization of citizen'sown activity, a prerequisite for the bourgeois mode of production"(Schubring, p. London: Allen Lane- Penguin.Schubring, G. Jahnke and M. As Rose and Rose explain, despite thesupposed preeminence of the Royal Society the fact that British science"advanced at all during the eighteenth century" was due to the "scientificsocieties of the northern provincial, towns" that dominated the IndustrialRevolution (1969, p. In France, for example, the expansion of the national universitysystem so thoroughly took over the scientific professions that significantconflicts arose as academics faced great difficulties in "reconcilingideals rooted in notions of the freedom and universality of science withthe reality that they were servants of the state" (Fox, p. It was the prototype for "aseries of higher technical educational establishments [in] Madrid (18 2),Prague (18 6), St. 21). This was largely, of course, a matter of state support. 11). ThePrussian state "still remained backward in economy" in comparison withBritain and France at the end of the eighteenth century (Rang-Dudzik, 1981,p. 2 ). Thus,"inspired, on the one hand, by developments in manufacture, and byscientific developments on the other" the state authority over grammarschools--which were dominated by instruction in Latin, with Scripture,Greek, and German occupying the next rank of importance--began to diversifythe curriculum (Rang-Dudzik, 1981, p. Liebig, on the other hand, was treated accordingto the notion of state support for the research imperative discussed above. 298). Thomson had none of Liebig'scharismatic appeal but his principal problem was that, although theUniversity twice provided large capital outlays for laboratories, "healways met the annual laboratory expenses for materials and assistance andmuch of the apparatus from his own pocket" and the entire project involvedhim in constant financial loss (Morrell, p. But the "advancing professionalization" of sciencewithin the university system--which had at first seemed to promise so much--yielded a "blighted harvest" as these new professions became incapable ofcontrolling their own destinies--an important aspect of trueprofessionalization--because of the power of the state bureaucracy over theuniversity (Fox, 1984, p. 254). There had been other teaching laboratories at, forexample, The École Polytechnique in Paris, The Swedish Academy of Sciencesin Stockholm, and, most notably, the laboratory courses of Thomas Thomson(1773-1852) at the University of Glasgow which began around 1818 (Morrell,1997b). 273). Otte (Eds.), Epistemological and social problems of the sciences in the early nineteenth century (pp. The pursuit of pure scientificknowledge fell, eventually, to the lot of the universities and received themost extensive state support when it was viewed as likely to be of generaleconomic value at some time in the future. This was partly a result of not realizing that they werein a race--because they assumed they had already won it. 29 -291). And it was partlya result of the resistance of the universities and the upper classes to thenotion of involvement in practical technological matters--an attitude held,oddly, even by many upper class individuals who were themselves dependentupon improved coal mining or agricultural methods. But, as Schubring (1981) points out, the effort to establishmathematical and, to a lesser degree, scientific teacher training was alsoindicative of two prevailing notions of the 1817-185 period. The Norton history of technology. The disciplines of the lower facultiesdid not, of course, "establish their academic and institutionalindependence" until the early nineteenth century but they had, by the lateeighteenth, ensured that the upper faculties no longer had sole possessionof "the inevitable organizing principles of all learning" (Turner, 1981, p.115). 229). 2 ). With all these new establishments the anticlerical, anti-aristocraticRevolution eliminated the kind of "theocratic and aristocraticuniversities" that still prevailed in England, and replaced them with "realscientific teaching faculties" (Rose & Rose, 1969, p. He cites notonly Wedgwood's extensive study of the work of fellow members of the LunarSociety but his plans for a cooperative to carry out experiments in potterytechnology that are not only "remarkably advanced" but serve as "anexcellent example of the direct contribution of science to the IndustrialRevolution" (McKendrick, pp. 1 9-121). Unfortunately Germanindustrialists also recognized the value of this technology and rapidlydominated the fledgling industry. Yet it was apparent to those in France and Germany whofavored "more systematic state support for science" that the next wave ofindustrial progress would depend to some degree on advances in pure science(Rose & Rose, 1969, p. 28). But even at those advanceduniversities the state supplied no salary for the chair holders after itsinitial outlay. New York: Norton.Fox, R. In J. At Glasgow and Edinburgh the government also sponsorednumerous chairs in medicine because "it wanted trained and competentmedical manpower" (Morrell, 1997a, p. 19 ). Rang-Dudzik offers the exampleof an elite grammar school in Halle where by 1788 the 55 subject-specificclassrooms reflected an expanded curriculum that included more mathematics,arithmetic, natural history, and physics. (1997a). The most important single instance of the practical application ofthis theory was, of course, Humboldt's 1825 decision to appoint JustusLiebig (18 3-1873) to the Chair of Chemistry at the university of Giessen.Liebig was a brilliant chemist and a great teacher who "inspire[d] in hisstudents a love for, and an understanding of, scientific research"(Cardwell, 1994, p. Therewas, however, an important distinction made in most cases between thetechnologically oriented education available in such institutions and thepursuit of disinterested scientific inquiry. 2 3). The most significant of these measures for science was"the Prussian state policy of using education as a means for promotinggrowth" (Schubring, 1981, p. 28). 279). The fact that even into the 183 s, when Babbage and others wereseriously alarmed about the decline of science, "the state left Britishscience to run itself in a voluntarist way" reflects the success of thisearlier type of uninstitutionalized association between pure and appliedscience (Morrell, 1997a, p. N. Much of the system of technical training--on a state-supported basis--was continued even after the Revolution as the general notion ofcentralized education and training remained a favored plan with nearly allsuccessive rulers of France. According to the Napoleonic ideal the nationaluniversity "would be part of the national administration while enjoying ahigh degree of intellectual and professional autonomy" (Fox, 1984, p. 191). The Prussian professoriate and the research imperative, 179 -184 . But, once again, the Prussian authorities neveractualized this goal in any manner that worked against the interests of theemerging science professions. Reidel.-----------------------[1]The translation of this article leaves a great deal to be desired. 183). (1997). (1981). 182).The Corps needed qualified trainees and, up to 1747, relied on a type ofapprenticeship system in which older officers trained the newly hired.Around 1747, however, Jean-Rudolphe Peronnet (17 8-1794), one of theleading practical civil engineers of the century, established an informalschool for the training of new engineers. Nor should the concentration on the institutionalization ofscience in the leading nations lead to the presumption that other Europeannations ignored the need for scientific and technological education.France's École Polytechnique was founded in 1794 when the nation"recognized a need for a general scientific and engineering education forthose who were to staff the technical branches of her armies and civilservices," and it served as a model for numerous similar enterprisesthroughout Europe (Cardwell, 1994, p. 13). This course was, in part, a response to a genuine differencein approach between scientists and inventors but it also reflected some ofthe realities of the early Industrial Revolution. The First Industrial Revolution (176 -185 ) had an immense impact onthe institutionalization and professionalization of science in the leadingnations of Western Europe. In his discussion of the lengthy (butabortive) planning for the Berlin Polytechnical Institute in 1817-185 Schubring (1981) notes that there was a strong belief in many governmentdepartments that the general educational level of the citizenry--especiallyof the potential bourgeois component of the population--needed to beincreased rapidly. (Reprinted from Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences, 1971, 3, 183-2 4).Morrell, J. Thus by 183 the mathematician Charles Babbage (1792-1871)sounded the alarm regarding the state of science and the "decline ofBritain's position relative to her industrial competitors" France andPrussia (which took the lead among the German states) (Gay, 1997, p. Although the standing of science improved steadilythroughout the nineteenth century. But state patronage in almost every area of science wasworse than negligible and "compared with the amounts which the governmentsof France and the German states were willing to spend on scientists andscientific institutions" the contribution of the British state as late as183 "was characteristically erratic and niggardly: with few exceptions itexpected people and organizations to look after themselves" (Morrell,1997a, p. (1984). These changes, however, also raised the need for teacher educationthat would be able to meet the ever-expanding mathematical and scientificdemands of the school curricula. In 1856 Perkin, an English student at theBritain's Royal College of Chemistry, discovered a method of extractingfrom coal tar "a promising purple substance that had the properties of adye" and, despite his inexperience, launched a very successful business toexploit the discovery (Cardwell, 1994, p. In fact, in order to find a Principal for the Royal College ofChemistry (belatedly founded in 1845), the founders had had to send for oneof Liebig's students from Germany. 121). This practice existed evenprior to the Revolution, even though general interest in education in anyarea remained at a low ebb until the 179 s. The rise of public science: Rhetoric, technology, and natural philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 166 -175 . And inGermany, the increasing need for specialized education for "schoolteachers, lawyers, doctors, civil servants and administrators [in] arapidly developing nation state" meant that Humboldt's original ideal "wasprogressively diluted" (Cardwell, 1994, p. Reidel.Rose, H., & Rose, S. 73). The French pattern of institutionalization was quite distinct and oneof its chief distinctions was the number of schools established to ensurethe appropriate level of scientific and technical training needed by themilitary and by civil servants of many kinds. D. 75).But the organization of the university system contained within it the seedsof the decline of French scientific preeminence. 78). Qualitative and quantitative aspects of curricula in Prussian grammar schools during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and their relation to the development of the sciences. Up to the beginning of thenineteenth century the French universities were "moribund" and the Germanuniversities, with the exception of the new University of Göttingen, werelittle better (Cardwell, p. 275-276). (1981). Jahnke and M. This should not, however, lead to the conclusion thatthere was any "inevitability" about it or "obscure the diversity ofconditions that governed the course, even the meanings, ofprofessionalization in different disciplines in different countries" (Fox,1984, p. 154).Having fallen so far behind in the industrial race both of these nationsundertook extensive initiatives--usually state-supported--in the promotionof science. In H. Petersburg (18 9), Vienna (1815), Karlsruhe (1825),Copenhagen (1829)" and other capitals (Schubring, 1981, p. Dordrecht, Holland: D. 19). The idea ofthe improvement of the general level of education in Prussia led to thereform of the status of the gymnasium teachers' positions and they were"freed of the degrading part-time duties they formerly had to fulfill" (thevery opposite of the French case) in order to "make the acquisition ofknowledge appear a desirable goal to all citizens" (Schubring, pp. The initiatives through which the statedeveloped the necessary systematic approach to the teaching andprofessionalization of science stretched from efforts in the organizationof grammar schools through plans for the education of teachers in thesciences and mathematics to the full expression of the so-called 'researchimperative' in the revitalized universities after 183 . The plan of the Polytechniquewas to attract world-class scientists "who would now extend their interestsbeyond [private] research to teaching and the writing of a series ofsystematic textbooks" in areas ranging from mathematics to anatomy toastronomy (Rose & Rose, p. ReferencesCardwell, D. But such schools still satisfiedlittle more than the bare necessities of science teaching because theyconcentrated far more on arithmetic as a skill for clerks and manufacturingemployees than on the mathematics needed for scientific education. Second, it was only in Germany thatthere were "enough trained chemists to man the new factories" (Rose & Rose,p. In M. This Revolution was limited to Great Britainwhich, in addition to possessing the optimum combination of resources andcircumstances, was a unified national entity--unlike the German states--anddid not suffer the upheavals of revolution or the expenditure of itsresources on wars of conquest--as happened in France. With the notable exception of the Scottish universities, however, theIndustrial Revolution of the later eighteenth century "passed theuniversities by" (Cardwell, 1994, p. Physics in the nineteenth century. 158-171), Variorum Collected Studies Series, No. 185). Aldershot, England: Variorum. French science had flourished in the first decades of the nineteenthcentury as the nation's new institutions and rising scientific professionsproduced "the new chemistry and physiology which were to dominatescientific thought for a large part of the nineteenth century" (Rose &Rose, 1969, p. In H. Whencompared with the state curriculum imposed in 1819-182 on many top grammarschools the difference is astonishing. (1997b). The great progress made in mathematics, the physical sciences, andother areas continued for some time after the Napoleonic reform of theuniversity system. London: Heinemann.Morrell, J. If such differences in state funding help to explain the relationshipbetween state support for education and the gradual decline of Britishscience, the example of the fate of William Perkin (1838-19 7) and anilinedyes shows how this difference eventually produced dire consequences forBritish industry as well. In G. 254). 81). The École Polytechnique, for example, was originally proposedunder the name École des Travaux Publics. (1994). Young (Eds.), Changing perspectives in the history of science: Essays in honour of Joseph Needham (pp. Universities had never before been seen as places that producednew knowledge but this changed gradually and by the dawn of the twentiethcentury the conditions of academic life in Britain, France, and Germanywere very similar. Morrell, Science, culture, and politics in Britain, 175 -187 (pp. The development of the modern university stemmed from the idealpromoted by Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835) who held "that a universityshould advance pure learning and that students should acquire a love ofdisinterested learning--research--by carrying it out for themselves under amaster who was an acknowledged scholar" (Cardwell, p. East end, west end: Science education, culture and class in Mid-Victorian London. Canadian Journal of History, 23, 153-183.McKendrick, N. Science and society. N. N. The chemist breeders: The research schools of Liebig and Thomas Thomson. 1 9). 74).This would seem to have meant that the numerous holders of the sciencefaculties were free, therefore, to pursue their own researches--taking timeout only for the very occasional lecture and for examinations. There was much destruction at first,as institutions were abolished, but after the Terror and the Jacobin purgesthe leadership began a process of building up France's scientificinstitutions and this trend continued through the end of the Napoleonicwars. As Morrell(1997b) discovered in a detailed comparison of the careers of Thomson's andLiebig's teaching laboratories there was little difference in theirpotential for success except for their relative merits as teachers and thefunding available for their laboratories. Because of these andother circumstances Britain, France, and Germany took very differentapproaches to the creation of scientific institutions, including collegesand universities, and the development of scientific professions. 183-2 4), Variorum Collected Studies Series, No. and it tended to fare better in thoseplaces where it had the greatest institutional and state support, it hasnever been the case that one could "equate institutionalization andprofessionalization with excellence and progress" (Purrington, 1997, p.1 ). L. The École Polytechnique (1794) and themedical faculties at Paris, Strasbourg, and Montpellier were among the mostimportant new establishments, and all the universities were abolished andreplaced by the Université de France, "a great national, all-embracinguniversity established in 18 8" (Cardwell, 1994, p. 185). (1969). In H. 79; p. (1992). TheAcadémie Royale des Sciences and the various provincial scientificsocieties were abolished and replaced by the Institut National. Because of the importance of navigation, for example,observational astronomy and voyages of discovery were regularly patronizedby the state. But there was alsoa firm conviction that, in the hands of the people, science would be apowerful force for the nation's good. Morrell, Science, culture, and politics in Britain, 175 -187 (pp. application-oriented level" and this opposition--as well as the growthin the number of university-level mathematics positions--was instrumentalin stalling and eventually derailing plans for such an Institute(Schubring, p. Overall, "thedrive and creativity of French technology and science actually increaseduntil, in the first decades of the nineteenth century, France could claim,in numbers and diversity, a scientific and technological communityunmatched anywhere else and unsurpassed at any time" (Cardwell, p. As Stewart (1992) has shown the progress ofscience in the eighteenth century occurred primarily through privateassociation and often entailed working relationships between scientists,inventors, and industrialists. . Dordrecht, Holland: D. 66-145). 253). InGermany the establishment of several important schools, the development ofsuch important innovations as the teaching laboratory and the associationof professional scientists, and the rise of the universities' "researchimperative" led to the gains that so alarmed Babbage (Turner, 1981, p.1 9). The liberalizing impetus behind the Revolutionwas opposed to science as an attribute of aristocratic culture and manyrevolutionaries considered technological advance to be merely a means ofimpoverishing artisans and the emergent working class. State control was the watchword in Prussia as well, but itsderivation and effects were entirely different from those in France. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.Rang-Dudzik, B. 19 ). 8). Geison (Ed.), Professions and the French state, 17 -19 (pp. 2 8). In various decreespublished from 18 8 to 181 the university system was established as "anadministrative structure embracing not only the faculties of science,letters, law, medicine, and Catholic and Protestant theology but also theassociated network of lycées, municipal colleges, and a variety of lesserschools" (Fox, pp. This too bearssome similarity to at least the intention behind the French practice ofpublic lectures that was so detrimental to science practitioners' pursuitof genuine research. (1997). Every aspect of these undertakings wasdirected toward the general improvement of the status of science teaching,science writing, and, in some cases, technological training. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Turner, S. 2 8). 392). 2 3). 45). The importance of the events at Giessen can hardly be overstated.But they also form a telling contrast with the fortunes of Thomas Thomsonat Glasgow that constitutes one demonstration of why the British failed toprogress in the institutionalization of science as the French and Germansdid. The British state did not always avoid the support of scientificactivity "when national security, internal need, and intermittently, sheerprestige were felt to be either directly or obliquely at stake" (Morrell,1997a, p. Inherent in thisnotion of 'pure' learning and 'pure' science, of course, was the separationof practical, technical training from knowledge pursued entirely for itsown sake. In J. (1981). Teich and R. 19 ). InBritain, in the most general terms, the laissez-faire attitude that lentitself to the flourishing of industry also predominated in regard toscience, which had to "rely on some enlightened entrepreneurs and a handfulof aristocratic patrons" (Rose & Rose, 1969, p. 73-74). 7 ). (1973). Otte (Eds.), Epistemological and social problems of the sciences in the early nineteenth century (pp. 273). 269-284). The Scottishuniversities were an important exception to this approach, but for the restof the kingdom little concerted public or state attention was paid toscience. The German university system excluded technology from itspurview and separate technological schools and universities wereestablished. But the"traditions of the Ancien Régime were also perpetuated in the field ofscientific research as the Collège du France, Jardin du Roi (now the MuséumNational d'Histoire Naturelle), and the Paris Observatory all continued toprovide employment" for men of science who "were free to devote their timeto the advancement and, to a lesser degree, the diffusion of scientificknowledge" (Fox, 1984, p. 7 ). Secondly, a goal of some of the Institute planners was that all the"scientific practitioners" trained there "were to be educated in order tointroduce mathematics in real life" (Schubring, p. But Liebig was the first to establish a broad reputation that drewstudents from Britain, the United States, and most parts of the Continent.His laboratory's popularity enabled him to establish a school in organicchemistry which became "the first of the modern international researchschools" (Cardwell, p. 391).The natural philosophers, as scientists were called at the time, werefollowers of Isaac Newton who were able to "trade on their expertise of thenatural world" among those most interested in profiting from theirknowledge--men who, after decades of discussion in private associations,believed that experimentalism was a virtue and believed "even moreforcefully [in] opportunity and utility" (Stewart, p. The emerging professions were far stronger in Prussia and otherGerman states even before the nineteenth century because, in theorganization of the universities, the lower faculties had already begun toescape from their subordination to the traditional upper faculties(theology, medicine, law) at the end of the eighteenth century under theinfluence of Enlightenment ideas. In France the schools and universities, official institutions,and informal societies "presided over the transition of science as an eliteintellectual endeavor to its status as a profession and a well-definedcareer with appropriate certification" (Purrington, 1997, p. The proposed Berlin Polytechnical Institute was atfirst intended, in part, to serve as a source of training for secondaryteachers in mathematics who would prepare students for careers in thecourses in either practical or pure mathematics to be pursued in thetechnological schools and the universities. By the time this effort wasgiven the title of a proper École in 1774 it had fully evolved "from aprocedure of informal ad hoc instruction into a formal school" whichprovided a technical education that was "probably unsurpassed anywhere inthe world" (Cardwell, p. 17). The important "corollaryof this ideal was that the institution and the state should provide thetools prerequisite to research, be it seminar training, libraries, researchleaves, or laboratory facilities" (Turner, p. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.Gay, H. But, sincethe sixteenth century, French institutions of higher learning had beencommitted to the notion of "the diffusion as well as the advancement oflearning" and public lectures had been traditional (Fox, p. The difference between pure science and applied technology wasespecially important, however, in the case of the English response to theFirst Industrial Revolution and explains, to some degree, the differentpath taken by the British. In order to support this idealthe state approved of a system in which academic promotion was based uponspecialized research and eminence in one's field. Individualism and the structure of British science in 183 . All those expenses which nearly ruined Thomson were readily met by thestate and Liebig's example was readily followed not just by chemists but,in the 183 s, by physicists as well (Purrington, 1997). One of the most prominent of these societies,the Lunar Society which, being founded in the new town of Birmingham--whichhad no corporation or charter prohibiting the participation of religiousdissenters, attracted the full range of scientists, manufacturers, andinventors as the religiously restricted universities and London societiesnever could. 253). From a few courses in arithmeticand one in basic mathematics in 1788 the curriculum now demanded that thesecourses be completed by the end of the second year and be followed byalgebra, geometry, advanced arithmetic (squares, cubes, roots), as well asprogressions, logarithms, and plane and spherical trigonometry. As many university faculty complained, they were required tolecture repeatedly to fashionable audiences "who were totally uninterestedin the more demanding aspects of science" and were required to "neglect[their] high intellectual calling in order to pursue a variety of unworthypublic duties" (Fox, p. 269). In England, as Hippolyte Taine observed, even aslate as the 186 s, Cambridge and Oxford remained "in many respects a clubfor young men of the nobility and gentry, or at least of wealth" and theirserious scholarship was limited to the classics and Scripture (quoted inPurrington, 1997, p. Jahnke and M. But the simultaneous educationof university and secondary teachers did not suit the needs of the emergingmathematics faculties in the universities, who felt that any such combinedtraining would necessarily "have lowered the Institute's standards to an .. Liebig established the first truly importantteaching laboratory. Dordrecht, Holland: D. 2 7).[1] But, following the humiliating defeat at Jena in which theoutmoded and inefficient Prussian army was smashed by Napoleon, theabsolutist state began to take on the question of economic development.From 18 6 on "Industrial Revolution was being intensively prepared for" andby the 183 s this "Prussian way to capitalism" manifested itself in a morestate-oriented form than that of other nations (Rang-Dudzik, pp. (Reprinted from Ambix, 1972, 19, 1-46).Purrington, R. Reidel.Stewart, L. There was, therefore, a broad-basedchange directed from above which began as early as the late eighteenthcentury with reforms directed toward many of the better grammar schools(the class of school that prepared students for university entry). Nor did he ever receivepaid assistance or even a university laboratory grant which meant that notonly was Thomson unable to expand his courses, there were few who wished tofollow in his footsteps. If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.

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Office hours are Monday through Friday, from 9 am to 5 pm (PST). You may place orders for custom research over the phone during office hours. E-mail requests can be made to our graduate and undergraduate department any time, and will be reviewed during office hours. You may also contact customer service any time through e-mail, and we will review your message during business hours. A great many papers can be downloaded right from this site, but not all of them. If you would like to know if a particular paper is downloadable, just look in the description for: "Available for Internet Download: Y" or "Available for Internet Download: N" If you wish to purchase a paper which is NOT available for immediate download, you will need to make other shipping arrangements. Also, please be aware that these orders are processed Monday through Friday from 9 am to 5 pm (PST). If you place your order after 4:45pm on Friday, it will not be processed until the following Monday morning. We charge $8 per page for all of our pre-written reports, plus shipping (and tax for California residents). However, the highest cost of any ONE report is $136, or 17 pages. Please, take a moment. Make sure you have chosen the report you want or need BEFORE you complete your order. If you are not sure, allow us to help you. We do not offer refunds or exchanges, so it is important for you to let us answer your questions during office hours. Reports which are e-mailed or downloaded are in Microsoft Word format. We are making more reports available for e-mail delivery faster than we can update our listings. Please call to check on the status of particular reports. There are many other shipping options which are listed on the Checkout page.