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Essay Subject: Focus on reasons for partitioning (Turkey & Greece), why the island remains a tensioin spot, ethnic animosities, role of NATO.... More...

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Paper Abstract: Focus on reasons for partitioning (Turkey & Greece), why the island remains a tensioin spot, ethnic animosities, role of NATO. Paper Introduction: It sometimes seems that the nations of Greece and Turkey should take up the poet Robert Frost’s axiom that “Good fences make good neighbors”, for the two countries have been continually, if intermittently, at conflict with each other for centuries. At the moment, tensions have relaxed as much as they have during any time in the last quarter-century and it would be all too easy to indulge in a sense of giddy optimism over the state of affairs in this part of the world if one had not seen all of this happen before, only to see the countries once more fall into roles of antagonism. This paper looks at the historical roots of this regional antagonism and at what basis there is for current optimism. The paper focuses on the Mediterranean island of Cyprus, partitioned for the past quarter century between Turks and Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. Historically the Aegean has attracted many conquerors and invaders butthe presence of Greeks in the Aegean has been consistent. From an external perspective, it seems absolutely clear that the mainproblem derives from the simple fact that there is a total lack of trustbetween these two countries. Turkey captured the island in 1571 and held it until 1878, whenit was defeated in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878. The Greco-Turkish animosity has deep historical roots and each sidepoints to age-old grievances to justify its hostility toward the other.However, it can be argued that at least during the last several centuriesthat peace was at least conceivable. 1). NATO must now turn its power and moral authority towards the mostserious regional conflicts, and the one between Greece and Turkey must beamong the most noteworthy of attention. Conflict in the Aegean. The formation of Turkey's perceptions regarding thesecurity of the Balkans (or rather the insecurity of the region can betraced back to the developments which culminated in the founding of theTurkish Republic (Wernick, 1999, p. In 1489, Venice took controlof Cyprus. Because Turkey joined the Central Powers in World War I (1914-1918),Great Britain nullified the 1878 treaty in November 1914 and annexedCyprus. Christian Science Monitor, 91 (246), p. For example, Greece's fear that anykind of arrangement that would enclave Greek islands in a Turkishjurisdictional zone could prove extremely hazardous because it might beused at a later time as a justification for military intervention in thename of individually or collectively exercised jurisdictional rights. This paper examines in brief theproblems that have existed historically between Greece and Turkey, usingthe island of Cyprus as both metaphor and examples of those problem, andsuggests some ways that the countries might find a more peaceful future asequal members of the global community. 59). In June 1958 the British announced a plan to maintain theinternational status quo of Cyprus for seven years but to establishrepresentative government and communal autonomy and talks held in 1959among the various parties led to an agreement on the general features of aconstitution for an independent republic of Cyprus to be guaranteed byGreat Britain, Turkey, and Greece. There are traces everywhere. Cretans and Assyrians, Phoenicians and Egyptians, Persians, Greeks, Romans and Byzantines, Arabs and crusaders, Genoese and Venetians, Turks and British, all exploited the island. But neither international pressures or the goodwill of common peopletowards each other mean that it will be easy to reach agreement on thefuture of Cyprus, the thorniest of the problems that divide Greece andTurkey. The Economist, 352 (8137), pp. Turkish-Greek balance: A key to peace and cooperation in the Balkans. Despite Turkish apprehension about these foreign controlled islandslying closely off their coast, there was a relatively peaceful co-existencebetween these two countries until 1974. Both Turkey and Greece fear that smalltechnical revisions away from the status quo can be used for expansionistpurposes and claims from both sides. Therealization that a possible armed conflict between these two allies wouldbe disastrous for the alliance and the vital interests of NATO in theEastern Mediterranean, such as oil, out of area operations' bases, can workas a catalyst for a potential intervention. Officially relations between Athens and Ankara have been quietlywarming for some months, but these recent expression of popular feelingmade "a critical difference" (Ford, 1999, p. The emergent Turkish state was, on thewhole, content with the arrangement even though it reconfirmed the loss ofsignificant territory in Thrace to Greece and Bulgaria (Turan and Barlas,1999, p. Wernick (1999, p. (These tensions are exacerbated by the factthat, as in the case of nearly every place that has been invaded as oftenas has the island of Cyprus, the people there long for a sense of bothsafety and independence, regardless of the personal ties individuals mayfeel to either Greece or Turkey). When Turks showed a similarresponse after an earthquake shook Greece a month later, the brighter moodspread throughout the region (Ford, 1999, p. Having achieved most oftheir aims, the major concern of the Nationalist leadership became thepreservation of borders (Turan and Barlas, 1999, p. By the terms of the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, the peace arrangementimposed on the Turks after the war, Turkey formally recognized Britishpossession of Cyprus. Crises occurred in1976, 1987 and most recently in 1996, a level of discord that is nowsuddenly and unexpectedly receding, as is discussed later (Wernick, 1999,pp. With regard to regional balance, Turkish concerns have been directedby the understanding that unstable relationships between other countries inthe region would inevitably produce outcomes which would threaten Turkey'srelations with its immediate Balkan neighbors. Moreover, it is also a fact solutionacceptable to both sides is not impossible. The petition was denied (Ford, 1999, p. 475). ReferencesOlive Branches. Shortly after his death,however, Cyprus again became a Persian possession (Wernick, 1999, pp. At the moment, tensions have relaxed as muchas they have during any time in the last quarter-century and it would beall too easy to indulge in a sense of giddy optimism over the state ofaffairs in this part of the world if one had not seen all of this happenbefore, only to see the countries once more fall into roles of antagonism.This paper looks at the historical roots of this regional antagonism and atwhat basis there is for current optimism. UN-sponsored talks resumed on anintermittent basis in 1988. The reasons why Cyprus should find it so hard to find peace has deephistorical and cultural roots that may seem incidental or even foolish tothe outsider but are deeply important to the citizens of Greece and Turkey- as well as of Cyprus, of course. Beginning with the rise of Assyria during the 8th century bc, Cypruswas under the control of each of the empires that successively dominatedthe eastern Mediterranean. In 1991 the UN passed a resolution urging thecreation of a federal state made up of two politically equal communities.Cyprus hosted the Nonaligned Movement Conference in February 1992 and urgedcloser ties with Western countries. 96-7). Acceptance of a UN resolution calling for a cease-fire on August 1 ,1964, ended sharp fighting between the factions. The recorded history ofCyprus begins with the occupation of part of the island by Egypt about orjust before 145 bc, during the reign of Thutmose III. The emphasis placed on unchanging borders continues to be a majortenet of Turkish foreign policy. Next Big Push for Peace: Cyprus. elections. Receding from the Balkans was perceived by Turkish officials to havecome to an end with the conclusion of the peace treaty. Recent international efforts to stabilize the region have enjoyed aboost from an unexpected quarter - ordinary Greeks and Turks. Rome gained control in 58 BC. Coming first as an invading aristocracy in about the 12th century bc, when their homelands were overrun by barbarian invasions, they gradually imposed their language and their culture, and the majority of Cypriots have considered themselves Greek ever after. 1 1). Independence was proclaimed on August16, 196 and Cyprus was admitted to the United Nations and the Commonwealthof Nations. 1) and have aidedinternational pressure to push the two countries together. Alexander the Great took Cyprus from Persia in 333BC, and after his death in 323 BC the island again became an Egyptianpossession, under the Ptolemies. The best time to promote peace is when the people on both sides of aconflict desire it, which now seems to be the case in Greece and Turkey.The importance of promoting peace in this region cannot be overemphasizedand should be a priority for international organizations. An analogous example for Turkey involves Greece's efforts to improvethe defense capabilities of its major Aegean islands. Cyprus lives in love and strife. and Barlas, D. 57). Perhaps the terrifying power of nature - and dark warnings from experts of further quakes in the region - have brought home to Greeks and Turks the complex ways in which their fate, as well as their history, is intertwined. Fearing greaterexpansion by Russia, Turkey induced the British to administer Cyprus andunder the enabling convention, signed by Turkey and Great Britain on June4, 1878, the British received complete control of Cyprus for a rental ofabout $5 , yearly, and Turkey retained nominal title. During the Persian occupationKing Evagoras I, ruler of the Cypriot city of Salamis, made the firstrecorded attempt to unify the city-states of Cyprus. 96-1 6. 465). 1 2) summarizes the history of this island, adding atouch of poetry to what has too often been in reality a terrible situationfor the inhabitants of this place. In subsequentcenturies seafaring and trading peoples from the Mediterranean countriesset up scattered settlements along the coasts and the first Greek colony isbelieved to have been founded by traders from Arcadia about 14 bc. These conflicts could carry with them thepossibility of regional war and inviting the intervention of superpowers(Turan and Barlas, 1999, p. 1.Moustakis, F. ThePhoenicians began to colonize the island about 8 bc (Wernick, 1999, p.96). It is indeed difficult to lookat the situation and no ask: So why has this dispute plagued these twoMediterranean countries for twenty-four years now and has kept them in astate of high alert and continuous confrontation? NATO especiallyclearly needs to take a more proactive role in resolving this dispute. Certainly, some deep emotions were stirred by the sight of rescue workers from both countries working together in the rubble left by two disasters: the monstrous quake on August 17th which claimed at least 14, Turkish lives, and the lesser, but still frightening, tremor that struck north of Athens on September 7th, flattening factories and killing over 12 people. 98). Cyprus remains oneof the intransigent spots of the world, one of those places that seemsincapable of finding peace in largest measure because the ongoing tensionsand ethnic animosities of Turkey and Greece are played out in their mostvisible way on this island. (1999, November 17). The current borders of Turkey became established with the signing ofthe Lausanne Peace Treaty in July 1923 after the Turkish National War ofIndependence. 463). 6 ). This owes much to the historical memorythat the empire had been receding from the Balkans all throughout thenineteenth century. However, in December 1963, Greek and Turkish Cypriots clashedover proposed constitutional changes, including abolition of the Turkishminority's power to veto laws in the legislature. It was also felt byTurkish leaders, however, that the limits of withdrawal had been reachedand Turkey would withdraw no further (Turan and Barlas, 1999, p. Contemporary Review, 274 (1596), pp. 469-489.Wernick, R. In the eastern Aegean islands, where Greek garrisons stand guard against a perceived Turkish threat, local mayors have been collecting medicine and blankets for homeless Turks (Olive Branches, 1999, p. This objective constitutes aserious challenge for the NATO alliance and represents a significant testfor the credibility of NATO in the post cold-war era. 97-98). Much of the trouble of the region in the past 25 years as well asbefore that has come about because of a sense of insecurity on the part ofTurkish leaders and an insistence on the primacy and even sacredness ofTurkish borders. 57-6 .Ford, P. Two years later the island was made a crown colony,but throughout the 192 s. 8). (1999, July). The first was the one between Turkey and Greece with whom Turkeyhad fought the major part of its National War of Independence. The Lusignan dynasty built several large fortsand castles, some of which are still standing. However, the border agreed on did not deviate significantlyfrom that which had been declared acceptable by the Nationalists in theNational Pact specifying the territories considered to be rightfullybelonging to Turkey at the end of World War I. The mostobvious example of this has been the outpouring of popular sympathy and aidfrom Greece for victims of the massive earthquake that struck Turkey inAugust, killing more than 17, people. And things might have simply gotten worsein the last year as international efforts in the region have focused onKosovo had not Nature taken a hand. (1999, September 18). Subsequent UN efforts tobring about a settlement failed, and bitterness between Greece and Turkeycontinued to increase. Or rather it was that at least until1974 there were no irreconcilable tensions in the Aegean for the simplereason that there was a climate of mutual and cordial co-operation withinNATO (Moustakis, 1999, p. The leader of the church was recognized as the Ethnarch, the sole representative of the people, with greater powers than other archbishops. NATO officials have accepted the fact that the end of the East-Westcompetition has shifted attention toward dormant but simmering inter- andintra-state rivalries which could present security threats affecting entireregions. The presentdispute between Greece and Turkey is a break with history in that bothcountries are members of the NATO alliance and logically are supposed to beallies. Analysis Undoubtedly, the Aegean dispute is a complicated one, therefore it isdifficult to find an easy resolution. A former British colony, the island has been partitioned sinceTurkish troops invaded the north in 1974 to defend ethnic Turks in the wakeof a coup by Greek Cypriots who wanted to unite the island with Greece.Cyprus stands as a symbol of everything that the Greeks and Turks hold incommon - from environment to history to culture - and perhaps for this veryreason has been for so many years a place of irreconcilable differences. 96-99). (1999, January). Thememories of the Cyprus invasion contribute to this atmosphere of fear andsuspicion (Turan and Berlas, 1999, p. 8-13.Turan, I. The withdrawal had assumed traumatic dimensions afterthe Turco-Russian War of 1877-1878 and then the Balkan Wars of 1912 and1913, when the Turks were forced to leave behind across the border, inGreece and Bulgaria, substantial ethnic Turkish populations, constituting aregional majority in many instances. Turkey believes thatthe fortification of these islands will enable them to be used in thefuture as launching pads for a multi-dimensional Greek military operationagainst Turkey (Olive Branches, 1999, p. The introduction of a`hot line' and the Madrid Declaration of July 8, 1997 between Greece andTurkey must be seen by NATO as an opening for a further and systematicattempt to stabilizerelations in the Aegean (Olive Branches, 1999, p. Both countries haveacknowledged that NATO is probably the only organization which can play auseful role in bringing the two sides together. The British government then offered Cyprus to Greece if Greecewould agree to enter the war on the Allied side. In 1191Cyprus was seized by Richard I of England, who gave it to Guy of Lusignan,titular king of Jerusalem. The treaty which was signed by the victorious NationalistGovernment of Ankara, replaced the Sevres Treaty which had been imposed onthe defeated Empire by the Allies. 475-7).This helped in some significant measure to reduce one major source offriction in the area, the sense that Turkish leaders had that they wereunder constant threat of being diminished. East European Quarterly 32 (4), pp. 9). Greece and Turkey, neighboring countries and fellow NATO members, havelong been rivals in the Aegean and have in fact been on the brink of warthree times in the past 25 years. That Cyprus should prove to be an ongoing site of contention betweenTurkey and Greece should not be surprising, for the island's past islittered with stories of conflicting loyalties. For almost a thousand years thereafter control of the island passedfrom empire to empire. In 391 bc Evagoras,with the aid of Athens, led a successful revolt against Persia andtemporarily made himself master of the island. Fighting spread over theisland, with the Turkish Cypriots demanding partition while the GreekCypriots insisted on a unitary state with minority rights safeguarded.After both Greece and Turkey threatened to intervene, full-scale civil warwas forestalled by British troops; the UN appointed a mediator andorganized a peace force to patrol the island (Wernick, 1999, pp. You can hardly dig anywhere on the island without finding an ancient bronze dagger or horse-blinker, a wine jar or a pouch full of coins buried by someone fleeing his home at the news of the latest invasion, who never came back. Greece and Turkey will always beneighbors, which must at some point mean that they cannot always beenemies. (1999, January). Such pressure isgrowing because the two countries' differences further complicate a regionwhere instability has already proved catastrophic, as in Kosovo. The Turkish invasion of Cyprus in1974 triggered a series of other disputes in the Aegean, which created thedanger of an armed conflict between Greece and Turkey. Such concessions of territory and evenmore importantly of population have made the Turks feel that they aresomething of a embattled ethnicity in the region, losing out in terms oflanguage, culture and religion to the Greeks and in a larger sense toEuropean traditions that are in many ways opposed to Turkish culturalautonomous traditions (Wernick, 1999, p. NATO needs to acknowledge this fact and to engage in energeticdiplomacy. The paper focuses on the Mediterranean island of Cyprus, partitionedfor the past quarter century between Turks and Greeks. '3 s and '4 s, the enosis issue created tensionin Cyprus and the next several decades saw conflict between Turkey andGreece over the island as well as calls for a fully independent Cyprus. Assyrian authority was followed by Egyptianoccupation (55 bc), then Persian (525 bc). Since the fourth century A.D., they have been devotedly attached to the Greek Orthodox Church. Afterthey won their independence from the Ottoman Turks during the 182 s, theGreeks managed to establish their sovereignty on these Greek-inhabitedterritories through wars (especially the Balkan Wars of 1912-14) andvarious treaties (especially the Lausanne Treaty of 1923 and Treaty ofParis in 1947) (Moustakis, 1999, p. Thus the strategies of both Turkey andGreece are at all (recent) times aimed both at containing and balancingeach other while also attempting to tread a path through the rest of thequagmire that is the Balkans. An open conflict in the Aegean will be a lose-lose outcome forall the parties involved, including NATO. It sometimes seems that the nations of Greece and Turkey should takeup the poet Robert Frost's axiom that "Good fences make good neighbors",for the two countries have been continually, if intermittently, at conflictwith each other for centuries. It was the Greeks who made the most lasting impression. As a result,Turkey continues today to react strongly to actions which are perceived toupset the existing balance between Greece and Turkey (Turan and Barlas,1999, p. 481). In view of historical experiences, the national leadership concludedthat the Turkish security interest of retaining unchanging borders in theBalkans could be achieved by working to achieve stability in the region.Stability was conceptualized as being the function of two interrelatedbalances. Instead of trading insults, the popular press in Greece and Turkey is generally lauding the new spirit of co-operation. Being an ethniccheckerboard, and being comprised of countries all of which had emerged onthe regional scene only recently as nation states, each harboringterritorial claims against some other(s), the region was constantly exposedto possible conflicts. Smithsonian, 3 (4), pp. Greeks have formed the majority of the inhabitants on the Aegeanislands for some 3, years and despite the succession of foreignoccupiers, they maintained this status quo into the present century. 1). Greece was given one weekto decide, and when the decision was delayed, the British withdrew theoffer. 48 ). When the Britishadministrators assumed office in 1879, they were presented with a petitionfrom the archbishop and the Greek community calling for enosis - from theGreek word for "union", that is, the political amalgamation of Cyprus andthe kingdom of Greece. If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.

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