The Turks in Germany   Term Paper ID:27522 Click to get this paper

Essay Subject: Examines the plight of repressed Turkic "guest workers" in contemporary Germany. Focuses on alleged atmosphere of hate & violence rampant in Germany today.... More...

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Paper Abstract: Examines the plight of repressed Turkic "guest workers" in contemporary Germany. Focuses on alleged atmosphere of hate & violence rampant in Germany today. Paper Introduction: Statement of Purpose The following paper will examine some of the ethnocultural determinants surrounding the treatment of Turks in present-day Germany. Determinants of ethnocultural identity such as race, religion, class, and power, as well as causal factors of inter-ethnic conflict such as state repression, economic inequality/class conflict,migration/expulsion, and fear of persecution/extermination will all be examined. It will be shown that the formation of a collective consciousness, specifically one aimed at uniting all of the European Community, would better determine the identities of future generations. Analysis Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. In short, to be German is to belong neither to a country of immigrants--like the United States--nor to a nation of universal ideals. One final note about citizenship in Turkey is in order. . It will be shownthat the formation of a collective consciousness, specifically one aimed atuniting all of the European Community, would better determine theidentities of future generations.Analysis Throughout 1992, Germany had seen eighteen thousand racist andrightist incidents, an increase of 7 percent from 1991. . The process normally involves passing elaborate tests on German language, history, and culture, and typically takes 1 to 15 years. . the other was that Germany has tried to take in too many foreigners seeking political asylum [the country's constitution mandates entry] (Joffe 33). "Sometimes," he says, "I think I would do as the Germans have" (Marks 18). If the experience of the Turksin Germany has taught us anything, or the experience of the Kurds and Turksin either Turkey or Germany, or the experience of the Pakistanis in Britain(the list is endless), it is that the nation-state as a concept is notworth saving. The issue of the granting of citizenship is directly related to howfast immigrants become acculturated to their new society. The article notesthat such actions send the message: "You can do something, fight forsomething, [and] achieve something, even as a foreign teenager" (Robinson32). The International European Community could be an answer to ethnicdivisiveness as a European identity supersedes nationality; after all,three generations of Turks have already called Germany home, even thoughthey are not German citizens (except for the 1% already mentioned). A portion of Joffe's article offers an excellent analysis of what ittakes to form an ideology which lends itself to other-group persecution:he argues that today's hate groups do not have what it takes: These murderous punks do not a movement make (yet). News & World Report. in German literature" (Joffe33). Many married Germans reared a third generation with even fewer ties to Turkey. Ketenci had lived in Germany on a Turkishpassport for 21 years, and was a successful businessman whose traveloffices had expanded to a total of six. One of theproblems relevant to Turks becoming German citizens is that Turks mustrenounce their Turkish citizenship when becoming German. Statement of Purpose The following paper will examine some of the ethnoculturaldeterminants surrounding the treatment of Turks in present-day Germany.Determinants of ethnocultural identity such as race, religion, class, andpower, as well as causal factors of inter-ethnic conflict such as staterepression, economic inequality/class conflict,migration/expulsion, andfear of persecution/extermination will all be examined. 32 (772 ): 42- 43. The age-old rivalries and ethnic hatreds between the Turks and the Kurds are brought to the surface again in the forced confinement of refugee camps and the forced acculturation of German towns. "I have a great fear that in the current atmosphere all of those who have a different religion and who look different could become suspect," says Thomas Kossendey, a member of the German parliament who specializes in German-Turkish relations (Marks 48). To accomplish this, they set up acorporation, elected a board, and opened a bank account. . As Marks noted in 1995, Neo-Nazi attacks over the past few years and charges that Germany's citizenship laws are racist have spurred the government to act. Lawday further reported: Stung by evidence that the military onslaught was killing Kurdish civilians, Germany, Turkey's NATO ally and principal arms supplier, accused the Demirel government of abusing human rights and declared an arms embargo. . . This group constituted the first generation of German Turks. From this ethnic stew,another point bubbles to the surface: some of the violence directed atTurks in Germany has been the result of angry Kurds. Marks writes: Authorities say that Turkish political upheaval, the rise in fundamentalism, and the war between the Kurds and the Turks are prime motivating forces behind the incidents. 4 (5): 32."What is a European?" (1991, August 17). Works CitedAlonso, William. Thus, the country's policymakerscreated a policy of exclusion which in effect turned out to be a policy ofinclusion. This is the primary reason so few Turks in Germany become German. Their music is closer to ice- T than to the Nazi's "Horst Wessel Lied"; their "program" is emptying a six-pack of beer and replacing the swill with gasoline. Turks are now calling for greater police protection against further reprisals. Only a grand scheme of social engineering such as that suggested bythe European Community concept (essentially a Europe with economic ratherthan ethnic borders) will allow future generations to see beyond thefighting, and by knowing the determinants of ethnocultural identity, suchfuture generations can be forearmed to guard against them. The tensions between the Kurds and the Turks would be considerable in Turkey; in Germany, they border on the insurmountable (Marks 48). 118 (16): 48.---. The German nation still defines citizenship in terms of bloodline and"Germanitude." As Joffe jokingly asserts that "it is better to have aGerman shepherd in the family than a Ph.D. It should benoted that Germany receives a staggering 7 % of Eastern Europe's refugeepopulation (44 , in 1992 alone), "at a cost to the German federation ofsome $8 billion, sparking a wave of public resentment" (Phillips 2 ).Although Ahmed, our "native German of Turkish heritage" (to be politicallycorrect) is not one of the asylum-seekers, he is in danger of beingscapegoated along with all those who do not look like "real Germans"(Phillips 2 ). With millions of foreigners now living in Germany and determined to stay, most politicians believe their country must adapt to a new reality (Marks 48). Antisemitism and a grim sort of free-floating xenophobiacontinue to have Germany in their grip, as the backlash against foreigners,and especially Turks, lingers on. By 1991, Germany had started to reject as many as 9 %of those seeking asylum, but even those rejected were allowed to stay inthe country for humanitarian reasons. At the same time, fewEuropean Community (EC) countries automatically treat as citizens anyoneborn within their borders (Ireland being the exception). If there were an election today, the extreme right parties would barely make it into parliament (Joffe 33). Such camps became a specific breeding ground for ethnic hatred,and a place for xenophobia to breed, in general. The Economist. One of the solutions to the mounting tensions surrounding thisethnocultural mosaic is for Germany to placate its citizens by turning awayall asylum-seekers. A group of 12 mostly Turkishyoung people who call themselves the Barbarians turned an abandonedbuilding in a crime-plagued Berlin neighborhood into a hangout with a cafe,meeting rooms, and fitness center. Phillips notes: For a non-German, becoming a citizen is extremely difficult. As Joffepoints out, The arsonists' fire also consumed two comfortable homilies about the New [reunified] Germany. 112 (14): 53.Marks, John. The picture-postcard-pretty northern (West German) town of Molln wasthe scene of an arson's fire which took the lives of three Turks. An article appearing in World Press Review lends hope to thoseforeigners who decide to stay in Germany. Sixteen peopledied in 1992 alone, leaving the country a dark and eerie place reminiscentof Nazi Germany. Although Joffe makes valid points, rationality never motivated anangry crowd, and it is the perception of social injustice which seems tospark the hatred of the skinhead, neo-Nazi groups, and rightist groups intoday's Germany. When a Turk givesup citizenship in Turkey, he or she also forfeits all rural propertyrights. As a 1991article in The Economist observes: Males like Ahmed born to Turkish parents in Germany face a real obstacle course. Syrian Orthodox Bandir Abdulahat, a victim of religious persecution, does not consider himself a Turk at all. "Young Turks." World Press Review (May, 1993). In addition, it should be noted that Turkey does not make itmuch easier for a Turk leave his or her native citizenship behind. With the fighting between Turks and Kurds reaching new heights in southeastern Turkey, no one believe this latest round of violence [the firebombing against Saban Ketenci] will be the last. "The Gates Slam Shut." Macleans (6/14/93). They have no fuhrer and no ideology; "Mein Kampf" to them is a clean-shaven head and a pair of studded motorcycle boots. The question of ethnicity ininternational politics should become irrelevant, along the lines of, the liberal-functionalist-rationalist belief that ethnic identity should wither away along with other ascribed statuses. The main thrust of Joffe's article is that these radicalgroups are not soon to run out of targets (by 1992, 25 , refugees fromex-Yugoslavia could be added to the 45 , asylum-seekers); even so, heargues that today's incidents of violence are disorganized and relativelyisolated (Joffe 33). However well-intentioned such a policy might be, thoseapplicants whose fates are being decided are herded together into some 9 camps, holding 5 people apiece, while their applications are beingprocessed. "A German's Lot is Still an Exclusive One." U.S. In fact, the"New Germany" is all about severing the ideals of the past from those ofthe future. The granting ofcitizenship has profound psychological ramifications because one'sethnocultural identity is so closely tied to it. In the past, German ethnocultural identity has been easy to maintainbecause Germany has been such an ethnically homogeneous society; now, withthe advent of the "European Economic Community" and a borderless Europe,such homogeneity is unrealistic. The dispute with Germany has spun out of control, jeopardizing Turkey's waning prospects for joining the European Community (Lawday 53).At the same time that Turks are under internal attack in Germany, they arealso being condemned as a nation from without Germany. The Turkish law may soon change [partly as a result of the Turks' problems in Germany?], but a Turk giving up his citizenship has to show the Turks that he is wanted by neither creditors nor police nor draft officers in Turkey. He left Turkey in 1972 and feels more at home in Berlin than he ever did in the land of his birth; he even sympathizes with the angst over foreigners. The above account is an example of what can be done when activistswork within the system, such a strategy is still sound. By both law and custom, Turks and other foreigners are almost invisible in public life: there are no Turkish members of parliament and only a handful in such sensitive areas as the civil service, the police, and the new media (Phillips 6). Molln is more like Kennebunkport than south-central LosAngeles;" and 2) the Turks who were burned to death were not newly arrivedasylum-seekers, but rather members of a 3 -years-old community of "guestworkers" who have added to Germany's gross national product and tax base(Joffe 33). The following passage does a good job of outlining the roles of race,religion, and general xenophobia in Germany: The attacks [against Turks] have stirred them-against-us sentiments in the German mainstream. Marks reports on the 1995 firebombing by Kurds of a Turkish traveloffice, owned by Saban Ketenci. 113 (23): 33.Lawday, David. Two of the causal factors of inter-ethnic conflict, forced acculturation/integration and historical experiences, are relevant here. A young Turk may have to do military service in both countries if he decides to become German ("What is a European?" 43). 113 (22): 18.Phillips, Andrew. As terrorist attacks heightened insecurity in Ankaraand Istanbul, the government of Turkish Prime Minister Suleiman Demirel wasshaken by a break with Germany--long Turkey's closest European ally--and bywarfare in the neighboring former Soviet Caucasus that Turkey appearspowerless to stop (Lawday 53). 1 6 (24): 18-2 .Robinson, Gail. The Turks, forall of their contributions to German society (many of them were initiallytransported to Germany for the express purpose of exploiting their labor),cannot become German citizens because of Germany's rigid system of grantingcitizenship. . At least the native-born Germans have their German nationality andcitizenship on which to form a sense of cultural identity. Under German law,Ahmed is purely Turkish unless he completes an arduous process ofnaturalization. News & World Report. As Ertugrul Uzun, the director of theEuropean Academy of Turkish Academics (a Berlin-based organization that haslobbied hard for new citizenship laws) has said that Germany has been "'anation of profound social, religious, ethnic, and cultural homogeneity. one was that violence against foreigners was the result of a lack of economic growth. .Germany is no longer a homogeneous land, and never will be again'" (Marks48). Marks exposes the futility of identifying ethnic groups along city-state lines: The second generation was born and educated [in Germany]. If formation ofa collective consciousness is a determinant of ethnocultural identity, thenthe formation of a European community consciousness must determine identityrather than race, religion, or class. "For Germany's Turks, An Ugly Worry." U.S. Alonso observes that "the questions of what defines a "people" (or a"nation," in this sense) and of what constitutes their proper territory areultimately unanswerable as abstract propositions, and, as practical ones,they are invariably contentious (Alonso 2 ). Today's Germany is about opening up economic and physicalborders--at least in theory. Alonso answers these questions in his article on citizenship,nationality, and "other identities" (2 ). The lack of power or representation in German life has taken a toll onthe Turkish psyche, just as the flood of asylum-seekers to Germany hasangered many Germans who yearn for the door to slam shut. "Why 1992 is Different From 1932." U.S. in effect, as Marxist theory states, ethnicity [is] a form of false identity which should wither away with the growth of an international proletarian consciousness (Alonso 2 ). Whenthe Germans imported Turkish workers for the first time in 196 , it was atthe behest of the German government. . "Threatened Regional Role." U.S. An article in The Economist profiles the plight of a Turk named Ahmed,a German-speaking cafe-owner who was born and raised in Berlin, whoseparents are both Turkish ("What is a European?" 42). Abdulhat's response indicates how thoroughly corruptingnationalism can be, and, if one subscribes to a world view which transcendsa nation's borders, such thinking should wither on the vine. If one considers all the determinants of ethnocultural identity,coupled with the causal factors of inter-ethnic conflict, would it bepossible to define the ideal city-state, for example? . Joffe explains that the violence against the three Turks could not berelated to either of the above two assumptions because: 1) the town ofMolln "is part of the larger Hamburg region that is now booming, thanks toreunification. In 1992, Turkey's escalating battle with Kurdish separatists wastaking a heavy toll. "Citizenship, Nationality, and Other Identities." Journal of International Affairs (January, 1995): 2 .Joffe, Josef. As "gastarbeiter," or "guestworkers," they contributed significantly to the nation's postwar economicboom. The irony here isthat a country which cares about human rights violations has become, initself, a breeding ground for ethnic hate in certain quarters. News & World Report. Is the city-state asa concept worth saving, especially given ironies such as that depictedabove? Abdulhat's statement betrays a perverse irony: a citizen can becomeso nationalized that he begins to even adopt his persecutors' ownprejudices. These young people--mostly Turkish--have made the best of a bad situation, and with any luckshould escape the firebombings which have plagued other foreigners. News & World Report. As a result, only about one percent of Germany's Turkish population has full citizenship rights, including the right to vote. 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