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Essay Subject: History of discrimination against, economics, public policy, assimilation, politics, role of President Suharto, 1994 Medan riot, future.... More...

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Paper Abstract: History of discrimination against, economics, public policy, assimilation, politics, role of President Suharto, 1994 Medan riot, future. Paper Introduction: Discrimination Against Indonesian Chinese Introduction In Indonesia in April, 1994, what began as a labor protest in Medan quickly escalated into riots against the businesses of ethnic Chinese Indonesians (Hicks & Mackie, 1994, p. 46). Hicks and Mackie argue that this protest and the recent surge of ethnic Chinese capital investment have raised serious questions about the future of the Chinese throughout Southeast Asia. These questions are not new ones, however; they have been asked ever since the Chinese first began immigrating to Indonesia in the seventeenth century. The questions raised by the recent events in Indonesia revolve around the level of assimilation and integration of the ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia. Generally, two responses are Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. 47).However, any resurgence of discrimination and hostility toward them couldlead many of them to think again (Hicks & Mackie, 1994, p. Vlekke, B. Thus, in an effort to break sucheconomic dominance, most Southeast Asian countries implementeddiscriminatory policies against the Chinese in the 195 s and 196 s, some ofwhich have continued, though usually much diminished, to the present (Hicks& Mackie, 1994, p. 21). The later immigrants, however, came primarily from Guandongprovince and represented a different class of people. 123). During the region'scolonial rule, the Dutch and other Europeans sat atop the social scale,native Indonesians stood at the bottom, and "foreign Orientals" such asChinese, Indians, and Arabs were in the middle (Ching, 1993, p. The beginning of the second phase can be traced to Suharto'sendorsement of the Indonesian Muslim Intellectual Association, headed byTechnology Minister B.J. But the fact that so many of the investmentsare made in Fujian, where much of Indonesia's ethnic-Chinese community hasits roots, fuels suspicion that this has less to do with profit than withloyalty (Clifford, 1993, p. A Class Act. Far Eastern Economic Review,54. Discrimination Against Indonesian Chinese Introduction In Indonesia in April, 1994, what began as a labor protest in Medanquickly escalated into riots against the businesses of ethnic ChineseIndonesians (Hicks & Mackie, 1994, p. However, the government is aware of the remaining highlevels of antipathy toward the ethnic Chinese and is not interested inalienating the majority population. Historical setting. Consequently, a wave ofanti-Chinese sentiment in Indonesia followed its subjugation. 33). 3 ). Clifford, M. The vastmajority argue that the idea that they still look to China as their realhome is vastly misleading (Hicks & Mackie, 1994, p. Indonesia may notnow be able to afford to alienate the ethnic Chinese. 4 ).Chinese trade and investment now significantly affect the Indonesianeconomy. Although the policy of the Indonesian government in the early 19 sfavored the assimilation of the Chinese population into the localcommunities in which they lived, Indonesia has a long history of forcingseparation from their non-Chinese neighbors upon the ethnic Chinese(Seekins, 1993, p. The investment groups generally tryto finance their investments in China from outside Indonesia to avoidcharges of capital flight. As discussed above, they have alsolong encountered considerable hostility from both Indonesians and Europeanslargely as a result of the economic threat they have appeared to pose.Furthermore, Chinese emigration from China's southern provinces toIndonesia in the late nineteenth century increased in correlation to theeconomic development of ethnic Chinese already in Indonesia (Seekins, 1993,p. The Prasetya Mulya was thengalvanized to defend ethnic Chinese business interests, using the talentsof politically savvy businessmen and prominent economists to demonstratethe contribution their firms made to Indonesia's development (Vatikiotis,199 , p. . . Furthermore, to demonstrate its commitment to theirassimilation, the director general of immigration announced regulations inJune 1992 that allowed Chinese immigrants who had lived illegally inIndonesia for decades to receive entry permits and to reside legally inIndonesia once they obtained a Chinese passport (Seekins, 1993, p. (24 November 1994). After 19 , the extension of the plantation system and thedevelopment of mining concerns where Chinese labor was widely used led to afurther increase in the number of Chinese residents (Vlekke, 1945, p. Heryanto argues that the Medan riot may have signalled a majorturning point in the history of the dynamics of class formation andstruggle in contemporary Indonesia (Heryanto, 1994, p. (29 April 1993). Ching, F. 3 ). 54). 4 ). (7 March 1996). (16 August 199 ). However, Vlekke (196 , p. Hicks, G., & Mackie, J. He notes that, although this class is far from dominantor controlling, its formation has helped soften old racial antagonisms(Heryanto, 1994, p. 3 ). Thus, with this new strategic alliance, Suharto casthimself as pro-pribumi, pro-Islam, and pro-modern technology (Budiman,1994, p. Nusantara: A history of Indonesia. It's a fact that the Chinese are colluding with Abri [the armed forces]to protect their interests" (Cohen, 1994, p. 33).History documents occasional massacres of whole communities of ethnicChinese as far back as the 17th and 18th centuries, and resentment festeredagainst Chinese economic dominance. Suharto wasdemonstrating his breaking of his ties with Chinese business and Chineseinterests. 21). (16 June 1994). 46). 3 ). 21). Generally, two responses are common. Indonesia's harsh measures on Chinese arebearing fruit. Suharto's revised new order. Far Eastern EconomicReview, 14-15. Hicks and Mackie argue thatthis protest and the recent surge of ethnic Chinese capital investment haveraised serious questions about the future of the Chinese throughoutSoutheast Asia. Thus began the second phase of the New Order that started in the196 s. Specifically, he notes that, whilethe riots targeted ethnic Chinese, in sharp contrast to most anti-Chineseriots of the past, these targeted only businessmen and their property(Heryanto, 1994, p. Of course, one will always wonder whether the attempt to ensureloyalty to the government required such harsh measures; nonetheless, as thenation becomes more stable, it can also become more tolerant (Ching, 1993,p. Vancouver:University of British Columbia Press. (14 July 1994). Chinese immigrants before the turn of the century generallycame from Fujian province in southern China and belonged to the mercantileclass. Indonesia after Sukarno. 21). 17). Far EasternEconomic Review, 4 . van der Kroef, J. Peranakans, on the other hand, are dispersed throughout thetowns and prefer Western-style houses like those of the Indonesian elite(Peacock, 1973, p. 21). 64). Indonesia: A country study (5th ed.).Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress. (1993). Heryanto offers an interesting and thought-provoking insight into onepossible reading of the Medan protest that may serve as evidence thatsuspicion against ethnic Chinese at the local level may be on the wane.The Medan protest began as a workers' demand for better wages in theSumatran city of Medan on April 14, 1994 and quickly flared into a riot.In the process, the traditional tensions underlying Indonesia's recentrapid economic growth burst into the open as the strikes degenerated intoviolence against ethnic Chinese (Cohen, 1994, p. . Even"Indonesianization" of names and way of life among Chinese was stronglyencouraged. (22 December 1994). 33). Vlekke, B. The repeal resulted in possibly as many as 5 , Chinese who hadnot yet completed their formal naturalization becoming virtually statelesspersons in an environment of hostile suspicion and official arbitrarinessand brutality (van der Kroef, 1971, p. These questions are not new ones, however; they have beenasked ever since the Chinese first began immigrating to Indonesia in theseventeenth century. He notesanother way to view the incident in opposition to Pakpahan's statement andthe usual manner in which violence against ethnic Chinese is usuallyclassified would be to categorize the violence as based on economicconcerns rather than racial motivation. 64). 3 ). The policy succeeded, and by 1992only about 6 percent, or 3 , , of the five million Chinese Indonesianswere acknowledged by the People's Republic of China as being Chinesecitizens. Far Eastern Economic Review, 5 -51. They place higher value on work,frugality, self-reliance, social position and security, which he classifiesas values that resemble those of the indigenous Javanese. Lie doubtswhether this would have been so if the Chinese schools had not beenabolished. 64). Suspicion and hostility toward Chinese settlers in Southeast Asia isan age-old tradition (Hicks & Mackie, 1994, p. Toward the end of 1967, the anti-Chinese activity had begun to taperoff. 33). Nonetheless, they tended to cling to the ancient customs oftheir people, demonstrating a lack of interest in Indonesian affairs andalways looking back to China, where they hoped to return as soon as theyhad saved enough money (Vlekke, 196 , p. (196 ). In thislatter part of the twentieth century, the economic significance of theethnic Chinese has required the government to respond to issues that affectthe ethnic Chinese. 21). 54). The Sino-Indonesian Dual Nationality Treaty originally signed in 1955, which hadgiven the Indonesian Chinese the option of citizenship, was a dead letterby November 1966, and, early in November 1968, the Suharto Governmentintroduced a bill formally repealing the treaty (van der Kroef, 1971, p.185). After the attempt, the Indonesian press began to carry reportsdescribing how Peking had given refuge to and was, in fact, fast becomingthe center of dissident Indonesians who were plotting and training for anew Communist drive in Indonesia (van der Kroef, 1971, p. With continued insinuation and pressure by the pribumi, Suharto beganto view the Chinese business establishment as a liability. The memory of this varietyof Chinese immigrants echoes today in arguments that ethnic Chinese remainemotionally tied to China, to whom they hold the most loyalty. Frederickand Robert L. However, theother side, which includes the ethnic Chinese themselves, regard the ethnicChinese as willing and loyal citizens of their countries of residence, notChina. Rather, instead of generating public support,Vatikiotis argues that the move might only reinforce the public'sperception of a siege mentality among the businessmen and drive a biggerwedge between the ethnic Chinese and everybody else (Vatikiotis, 199 , p.64). However, in the 198 s, thingsbegan to change with the emergence of pribumi (indigenous Indonesian) bigbusiness (Budiman, 1994, p. 238). 15). 5 ). 64). Suharto's new allegiance to the pribumi was illustrated by his call,in 199 , for Chinese businessmen to sell up to 25 percent of theircompanies' shares to employees and associated cooperatives (Clifford, 1993,p. On April 16, MuchtarPakpahan was questioned about his role in the protest. Ethnic Chinese, of course, vigorouslydisagree, but, as the Medan riot in 1994 demonstrated, suspicion againstethnic Chinese may not disappear from Indonesian society for some time. Vatikiotis, M. 46). 31). He argues that this is a result of theincreasingly high profile in public life portrayed by the ethnic Chinese.He argues that they have successfully managed to establish a mutuallybeneficial partnership with the exclusively indigenous state officials andmilitary officers as well as with the pribumi to create a multi-ethniccapitalist class. Another promisingmove is the government's decision to remove special numbers from nationalidentity cards that denoted citizens of Chinese descent (Vatikiotis, 199 ,p. Seekins, D. They also tendto live in the central business district in dwellings similar to those ofSouth China. Try next door: Inneighboring countries, vastly different New Years. The obvious substitutewas the pribumi. Ethnic Chinese have been investing overseas for several years, partlyas a way of diversifying risk and partly because of limited opportunitiesin Indonesia (Clifford, 1993, p. Hong Kong is Indonesia's second largest investor, withcumulative approved investments of US$14.1 billion. gives theevidence that Communist China is still launching its acts of interventionin Indonesian internal affairs" demonstrated the level of suspicion againstall persons of Chinese descent, even those ethnic Chinese living inIndonesia (van der Kroef, 1971, p. 21).Suharto organized the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)and led by Harry Tjan Silalahi and Jusuf Wanandi--both Catholics withethnic-Chinese backgrounds--the CSIS became very influential. They were largelyilliterate and knew little of Chinese culture compared to the earlierimmigrants. A question of identity.Far Eastern Economic Review, 46-47. 342). Seekinsargues that, generally, totoks are more inclined to go into business andare more interested in getting rich. 14). Twenty-eight of the country's largest companies subsequently didjust that, transferring 3 million shares to cooperatives through thePrasetya Mulya, a grouping of top executives drawn from the largest ethnicChinese companies (Vatikiotis, 199 , p. The Chinese languagehad been outlawed to enforce national integration and to stay theeconomically powerful and unassimilated alien minority that was thought tobe subject to Beijing's political influence (Ching, 1994, p. Signs of a growing tolerance are evident today. They posit thatthey are firmly settled, even if not fully assimilated, in Southeast Asia,and they have no intention of forsaking their current countries ofresidence. The policy of assimilation promised the Chinese and "every alien"protection of their lives and businesses but denied work permits to newChinese immigrants. Peacock, J. The public'sagreement with him was demonstrated by an outbreak of racial riots(Budiman, 1993, p. Days of Rage. Forms and Policies of Discrimination: 198 s - Present The 198 s represented a turning point in the treatment of ethnicChinese in Indonesia only because it represented a shift in governmentalpolicy in how to contain and regulate their economic influence. The story of the Dutch East Indies. The significant event in modern government policy concerning ethnicChinese in Indonesia was the aborted coup in 1965. As domestic corporations began to competewith the Chinese business establishment, the pribumi began to useprevailing anti-Chinese sentiment to force the public and the government toquestion the legitimacy of the Chinese hold over the Indonesian economy(Budiman, 1993, p. Chicago:Quadrangle Books. Suharto himself has argued thatsuch moves are inevitable as the Indonesian economy becomes moreglobalized, but the fact still raises questions about the loyalties ofethnic Chinese in Indonesia (Ching, 1993, p. Budiman states that this New Order actually started in the mid-196 sfollowing the failed coup attempt. Now,almost three decades later, the Chinese language is being taught for thepurposes of encouraging investment and tourism (Ching, 1994, p. It has been identified as a shift ingovernmental policy here, however, because the purpose for the attempt toassimilate ethnic Chinese into the larger community has shifted. Themain contrast still dominant in the 199 s is the difference between totok,first generation, full-blooded emigrants, and peranakan, native-bornChinese with some Indonesian ancestry (Seekins, 1993, p. 51). 185). That such an organization seeking to protect ethnic Chinese businessinterests would come to prominence at such a time is understandable.However, Vatikiotis argues that whether a pressure group is the best wayfor Indonesian-Chinese businessmen to "win friends and influence people" isdoubtful (199 , p. However, on June 7, 1967, the Suharto government promulgated a newpolicy for Chinese aliens which, in return for their enforced assimilation,would open the way for new citizenship legitimization (van der Kroef, 1971,p. 184). Thus, it is no surprise that thecampaign of relatively minor abuse, insults, and brutality against thethree million Indonesian Chinese during the latter part of 1965 and theearly months of 1966 erupted in 1967 into violent anti-Chinese harassment,rioting, looting, and destruction of Chinese dwellings and businessestablishments (van der Kroef, 1971, p. Far Eastern Economic Review, 33. Furthermore, special Chinese schools were disallowed,political organizations of alien Chinese were forbidden, Chinese festivalscould only be celebrated "inconspicuously," and Chinese business capitalwas carefully regulated (van der Kroef, 1971, p. For example, bilateral trade with China in 1993 was a recordUS$2.14 billion, rising even further in the first three months of 1994 toUS$835 million. In the mid-196 s, when the New Order was first being formed, Suhartowas able to rely on Chinese business and a Catholic-dominated brain trustsaligned with his trusted ally, General Ali Murtopo (Budiman, 1994, p. Cambridge:Harvard University Press.----------------------- 6 Businessmen who invest in China maintain that they do so forprofit, not out of sentiment of kinship ties or some mystical desire toreturn to the homeland of their ancestors (Hicks & Mackie, 1994, p. At the turn of the century, ethnic Chinese wereforced to live in separate urban neighborhoods and could travel out of themonly with government permits (Seekins, 1993, p. 185). 33). First, the moreextreme elements in Indonesian society accuse the Chinese of anunwillingness to assimilate (Hicks & Mackie, 1994, p. Conclusion Lie Tek Tjeng, a senior researcher at the Indonesian Institute ofSciences, says that anyone educated after the mid-196 s thinks of himselfor herself as Indonesian, not Chinese (Ching, 1993, 33). And Taiwan has US$8.8billion in approved investments (Ching, 1994, p. Nonetheless, despitetheir treatment as such, ethnic Chinese were not a monolithic group. References Budiman, A. Cohen, M. In William H. His response was aclear attempt to implicate the ethnic Chinese in the cause of the riot: "Icondemn the violence, but I understand why the strike turned out that way .. Mindful of growing criticism of his close ties toChinese business, Suharto made a switch (Budiman, 1994, p. 5 ). Indonesia: An anthropological perspective.Pacific Palisades, CA: Goodyear Publishing. (28 April 1994). The report of one newspaper in January 1967 that "the presence ofChinese at nearly all the arrests of Communist leaders . Thus, withthis team, Suharto established a strong government and recorded impressiveeconomic growth (Budiman, 1994, p. McBeth, J., & Hiebert, M. Habibie (Budiman, 1994, p. 181). Forms and Policies of Discrimination to 198 Throughout its history in Indonesia, the Chinese minority has playeda major economic role in the archipelago as merchants, artisans, andindispensable middlemen in the collection of crops and taxes from nativepopulations (Seekins, 1993, p. In the198 s, the Suharto government furthered its attempt to ensure theassimilation of ethnic Chinese into the local community by enacting newregulations designed to expedite the naturalization of persons with Chinesecitizenship (Seekins, 1993, p. Hicks, G., & Mackie, J. Jakarta takes significant step:Chinese characters, outlawed since 196 s, stage a comeback. Consequently, the new policies areinformed and formed by a delicate combination of political astuteness andeconomic necessity. Although the Chinese corporate leaders hadanticipated this and sought to ingratiate themselves with high Indonesianofficials, the growing unpopularity of Chinese big business made theofficials cautious. Tensions persist: Butofficial discrimination is on the decline. Heryanto, A. Frank Ching agrees that the coup attempt had the moral if notmaterial backing of Beijing (Ching, 1993, p. For example, between 187 and 193 , the Chinese population in thearchipelago increased from 25 , to 1.25 million, the latter numberrepresenting about 2 percent of the archipelago's total population. 342) notes that these Chinese immigrants of thetwentieth century represented a type of Chinese different from the earlierimmigrants. Time to integrate. Budiman argues the logic of the shift also dictated one othercomponent: the replacement of Chinese business. (14 July 1994). Ching, F. Question of loyalty: Indonesiancapital spending in China sparks controversy. 54). 238). The attempt was blamedon the Chinese-backed Indonesian Communist Party (McBeth & Hiebert, 1996,p. However, despite continuing suspicion of the ethnic Chinese,continued discrimination against them cannot be justified. FarEastern Economic Review, 21. Far EasternEconomic Review, 64. 184). (2 May 1993). For, despite their avowals of loyalty to Indonesia, the fact thatethnic Chinese businessmen are making big investments in China remains apoint of contention (Ching, 1993, p. 122). 47). 123). The questions raised by the recent events in Indonesia revolve aroundthe level of assimilation and integration of the ethnic Chinese inSoutheast Asia. 122). 4 ). (1945). (1971). Worden (Eds.). (1973). 21). 129). Far Eastern EconomicReview, 17. Far Eastern EconomicReview, 3 . If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.

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