HAMID II, ABDUL.   Term Paper ID:20373 Click to get this paper

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Paper Abstract: Life & career of Turkish despot (1842-1918) responsible for genocide against Armenians. Paper Introduction: This study will examine the life of Turkish leader Abdul Hamid II (1842-1918). Of the three sources consulted for this study, two are unabashedly critical of Hamid and his despotic rule, and one attempts to maintain objectivity. The latter work, Alma Wittlin's psychological study Abdul Hamid: The Shadow of God, "seeks to portray the last of the . great Oriental despots, a man who figured most prominently in ... one of the great and decisive developments in modern history --- the trend of the East towards Western civilization . . . . " (Wittlin 6) While Wittlin tries to keep Hamid in the context of history and global political change, S.V. Bedickian (The Red Sultan's Soliloquy) and Sir Edwin Pears (Life of Abdul Hamid) have little but contempt for Hamid. Although Hamid is included in the Basil Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. S.V. Hehad been raised surrounded by palace intrigue, by the fears of his fatherand grandfather that at any moment some enemy from within or without wouldtake away all the accrued power and property. (Bedickian 17) The policies of Hamid remind a reader in the 199 s of the policies ofthe Serbs in Bosnia with respect to the "ethnic cleansing" of the Muslims. . Even if the positive effects of a leader'sefforts are indirect and inadvertent, a biography should consider thoseeffects, as does Wittlin: [Hamid] did not live to see Turkey's re-birth, following hercollapse after the World War, in a manner which betokened the failureof all his plans. He never touched the national imagination(Ibid. The result was anincreasingly paranoid and increasingly powerful and autocratic leader whosaw enemies everywhere. greatOriental despots, a man who figured most prominently in ... New york: Henry Holt andCompany, 1917.Wittlin, Alma. Even if the Sultan had possessed such an agile and poetic mind,however, it would not have negated a single charge against the man mostresponsible for one of the greatest slaughters of innocents --- thegenocide against the Christian Armenians --- ever carried out by man.Hamid destroyed lives and nations, and despite what Wittlin might suggestabout Hamid's intentions, it is clear that the Sultan was an evil leaderintent primarily on destruction. It is never recorded of Abdul Hamid that heuttered a noble thought. . The few people whom he considered worthy to undertakethe work were not particularly expert builders. He had himselfdrawn the plans, outlining a series of buildings containing an irregularnetwork of small rooms, corridors and exits by way of subterraneanpassages . The early life of Hamid reveals a number of elements which mightexplain in part the development of a tyrant. Certainly Hitler and Hamid cannot be credited with thegood which indirectly resulted from their evil efforts. It became the fixedpolicy of Abdul's reign to depopulate the strong Armenian settlements,both by massacres and by importations . He can easily be called a coward in that he quickly gave up thefight when he was challenged. Bedickian's work is an epic poem basedon Hamid's life but taking liberties in imagining the thoughts of Hamid.In the Preface to the work, the author declares: The reign of Abdul Hamid had become notorious for its misrule andinquisitorial oppression from which both the Christians and Moslemssuffered. However, the time and the place and the man were far from peaceful,and therefore any peace which might have followed the war with Russia neverreally had a chance. . 122) The power and prestige as a mighty leader which Hamid was to gatherunto himself over the next thirty years were rooted in the victory overRussia which occurred almost immediately after he took over leadership. Processions marched through the town. . . With respect to the despot under study here, Williams writes inPears' book: During his reign Abdul Hamid was an evil nightmare brooding overEurope, the kind of nightmare which a sleeper could shake off at anymoment, did he but choose to move, but he cannot choose and stillremains fixed and motionless: and so the nightmare abides. . Despite the fact that some analysts might grant Hamid the benefit ofthe doubt with respect to his intentions and his values, the more importantfact remains that whatever those intentions and values they were forgottenas Hamid became more and more concerned only with power itself. The stories told of him usually turn either upon hiscruelty, his distrust, or his bitterness of tongue. The face of Christ shining through its chalkycovering haunted the Sultan (Wittlin 117). 117-118). . He must be classed as a Sovereign among the failures,as a selfish man among the mediocrities . In any case, Hamid was born and raised in a regal milieu whichprepared him for the arrogant rule he was to undertake when he ascended asSultan in 1876. . " (Ibid. But Hamid put his personal stamp on all of these events in theway he interpreted his role as leader of Turkey. The sources note that Hamid accomplished his evil deeds in partbecause he was allowed to do so. . The life of Hamid is marked with many "great" events, but hischaracter is revealed as well in many less momentous situations. whereverfound (Ibid. Nosuch fulfillment could have shaken his belief in the paramountimportance for Turkey of her ancient spiritual values; it could not havealtered his far-reaching views, the worth of which time has still todecide (Wittlin 288).In other words, Wittlin is saying that Hamid is too complex a man and aleader to simply dismiss as an evil tyrant which the world would have beenbetter without. Abdul Hamid was an exile, a man buried alive; but the traditionof Islam which he represented, and which it had been his life's work tofortify, still remained" (Wittlin 28 ). . Then came the revolt of Arabi, the Armenian massacres,European efforts to reform Turkey, war with Greece, the Macedonianinsurrection, further pressure to reform Turkey (this time from Austria andRussia), and then the Young Turk revolution which drove Hamid into exilefor the last ten years of his life in Salonica. Wittlin's account of Hamid's plans for a secret palace basedessentially on the need for safety from his enemies reveals the basicnature of Hamid: His first desire was to keep his project a secret. Nevertheless, thecapital, accepting events with the ancient fatalism of the east, was farfrom despairing. Nor couldhe have been rejoiced by a Turkish revival effected by Western means andbased upon frank materialism, upon the acceptance of European standardsand the denial of Eastern traditions and the Mohammedan religion. . . . . Pears offers an unmerciful summaryof Hamid's character: The life of Abdul Hamid will remain on record as an example of themischievous and dangerous character of absolute government. Did the suggestionthat Hamid had an Armenian mother feed his hatred of Armenians and lead tohis genocidal policies as he sought to throw off, to obliterate anyconscious or unconscious connection he might have had with the perceivedgreatest enemy of the Turks? For example, in the case of the war with Russia we find Hamid relyingon Moslem morality as a source of power. . Had there been on this occasion also anydecent police regulations, coupled with the will to preserve orderwithout massacre, nothing serious would have happened. . Williams woulddisagree with Wittlin that Hamid can be assessed more positively if he isstudied objectively from a psychological perspective: "Far from gaining asa personality from intimate knowledge, Abdul Hamid loses even the littlecredit he had with those who judged him from afar as, at any rate, anastute and able ruler" (Ibid.). As we read in Pears, Abdul Hamid was "the greatestof the destroyers of the Turkish Empire." He was responsible for "thedestruction of government by Ministers. The country will sufferafter the leader dies as it struggles to sustain its government. The Armenians were murdered in the streets . . . He largely diminished the moralfibre of his people . . Hamid knew no other way tothink or behave, and historical and political events (the war with Russia,for example) convinced him that his perspective was not paranoid but ratherquite realistic and prudent. One particular Christian mural gave Moslems much fear in itscapacity to reappear after being painted over: They spoke of it as of an evil omen, a rearguard of Christianityholding its ground in the conviction that some day Christian rule wouldreturn. He had chosen them less for their ability than for their loyalty to himself. . . 341-342; 345). Works CitedBedickian, S.V. Wittlin (referring to Moslems asMohammedans incorrectly and disrespectfully) writes that Moslems, fear andhatred of Christianity was greatest when they were threatened by externalforces. The latter work, Alma Wittlin's psychological study AbdulHamid: The Shadow of God, "seeks to portray the last of the . Abdul Hamid, in fact, did not leave hispalace .... 3). 255). One-man rule of a country is dangerous and destructive even when theleader rules beneficently, for such a rule weakens the governing structureof the country, forcing it to depend on one man. Hehad proved to his people and to himself that he was more than worthy tolead. In thecase of Hamid, the danger and destruction are intensified and multipliedbecause Hamid was a tyrant. . . Ironically, Bedickian's poem about the thoughts of Hamid in exile,while clearly designed to "commemorate the downfall of this dastardlytyrant," actually grant to the Sultan a degree of humanity and sensitivitywhich he probably did not possess in truth. Boston: Sherman, French& Company, 1912.Pears, Sir Edwin. And they remembered it in the spring of 1877, when aseemingly inexhaustible flood of Russian troops came streaming through theBalkans. As Pears writes, the Moslems were resentful of Armenians not only forreligious reasons, but also because Armenians were better educated thanMoslems and gradually, through the years, assumed positions of employment,political and otherwise, which were denied to Moslems: "Thereby jealousywas created, and this, added to the great religious hostility, led to themassacre in the capital in 1895, the object of which . 114).In effect, even with such external safeguards, Hamid never felt safe. Pears argues that, despite the victory over Russia, Hamid cannot evenbe considered a great military leader. Enough hasbeen said of Abdul Hamid to show that he has no title to be reckonedamong the heroes. Bedickian writes that the "infernal aims" of Hamid were accomplishedwith respect to the abuse of the Christians: For the fearful massacres of 1895-96, not to mention thecontinued loss of life . . With the return of the Khalifat to Arabia and thepassing of the oil-wells into the hands of Western finance, his twogreatest aspirations were realized, but in a sense opposed to everythinghe had desired, for they brought no benefit to Turkey. Due in part to Hamid's response to the threat of Christianity and theapproach of the Russians, the Turks gathered within themselves a moralstrength, based on this return to Moslem fundamentalism, if you will, whichtranslated into military might: The collapse of Turkey seemed imminent. Under him the rule of the countrybecame personal. . He wanted to feel safe in it, protected at last fromenemies, traitors, and assassins. Here again we think of the appeasement ofHitler and the failure of nations in the 199 s to act to stop the genocidein Bosnia. He helped to destroy(Turkey]. . . Hamidhated Armenians in the same way that Hitler hated Jews. On the contrary, the threat of an immense hostilearmy produced a national reawakening such as had not been witnessed formany years. Wittlin also believes that Hamid had destructive impact,but he should also be assessed in terms of "the worth" of "his far-reachingviews" on the "ancient spiritual values" of Turkey. was to clear outthe whole of the poor Armenians in the capital and replace them by Moslems(Pears 254). . The Red Sultan's Soliloquy. 118).The ultimate victory of Turkey over Russia was proclaimed as a sign ofHamid's divine destiny: "As though the Middle Ages had never passed away,it was said that the Sultan, girt with the Sword of the Prophet, would rideforth against the Christians. Almostimmediately after his rise to power in 1876, the war between Turkey andRussia commenced. Like alldespots, Hamid became paranoid in his leadership, seeing enemieseverywhere: From the first he was jealous of any Minister who was either eagerin making reforms, or, indeed, taking any steps which had not previouslymet with his approval. He aimed at making himself the sole ruler of the Empire(Ibid. . . . . ever since and before those terribledays, nor bring in the still more recent carnage of Adana and itsprovince where not less than 3 , Christians were put to the swordand fire, and their once happy homes and flourishing properties utterlydestroyed, left large tracts of civilized territory desolate, their former industrious inhabitants being either killed or forced toemigrate into other countries (Ibid. . This study will examine the life of Turkish leader Abdul Hamid II(1842-1918). . The major problem of Hamid's rule was the power which the Sultanaccrued unto himself. . Wittlin argues that he was detached from reality, but Williams inPears, book portrays Hamid as a pretender and a complete coward: How empty was his appearance of strength may be seen from hisimmediate surrender to England, Russia, or France, or any power thatmomentarily chose to insist on a point that concerned their interests, andfrom his collapse like a pricked bladder on the first assault by a fewdetermined subjects (Pears vi). An increased hatred, that dangerous spur to exaltation, wasmingled with their prayers. . Bedickian has no intention to consider Hamid in anything but themost critical and judgmental light. On account of his diabolical policy of extermination and its actually carried outprograms of periodical massacrings of the Armenians, history hasbranded Abdul Hamid 'the Red Sultan' . It might have been the first home he had ever possessed,as though his life had been passed, not in royal palaces, but withouta roof over his head (Ibid. Thisunexpected moral fibre was the first fruit of Abdul Hamid's understandingof the nature of [Islam] and of the East (Ibid. Hamid himself was not a man who could separateillusion from reality, true enemy from imagined enemy. And as he waited for it hiscourage grew. . Abdul Hamid: The Shadow of God. But he had nostomach for this direct conflict. London: John LaneThe Bodley Head, 194 .----------------------- 1 It is unlikely, for example, that the real Hamid would have displayedthe insight and complexity of thought required to formulate and express thefollowing reflections on the enmity between the Armenians and the Turks: So, too, in our internal life when Haig's ambitious sons [i.e.,the Armenians],/ Spurred on by racial pride, and lured by charms ofliberty,/ Essayed to break the fetters of their servitude to us,/ Andthus their long defunct, old kingdom gain by force of arms,/ nottrusting, to be sure,/ But thinking that these mighty crowns ofChristendom, forsooth,/ Because of common cult and ethnic ties, wouldhelp their cause./ And by sheer force of arms combined, their native landset free,/ To their dismay they found, I was a match to such intrigues(Bedickian 58).To be sure, the passage is rife with self-glorification and a clearcertainty of the speaker's own indomitable powers, but at the same time wesee a capacity for subtlety and complexity which we do not find in the morerealistic portrayals of Hamid by Wittlin and Pears. We are reminded of Hitler'slife once again in that Hamid was said to have Armenian blood, from hismother's side, whereas Hitler was said to have had Jewish blood. There is no question that Hamid saw such atrocities as the carryingout of his policy of genocide or "ethnic cleansing" against the Armenians.Pears writes that the violence in 1895 was dwarfed by what happened in1896: The attack upon (the Armenians] a year later was much more savageand equally unjustifiable. Bedickian (The Red Sultan's Soliloquy) andSir Edwin Pears (Life of Abdul Hamid) have little but contempt for Hamid.Although Hamid is included in the Basil Williams-edited "Makers of theNineteenth Century" series, his negative effects are emphasized overanything positive he might have attempted or accomplished, as author Pearswrites: Abdul Hamid's "work was destructive rather than constructive, butdestruction must often precede construction" (Pears 1). . 18).Wittlin certainly reports the same atrocities reported byBedickian and Pears, but he sees Hamid more as a man separated from realitythan as a man deliberately doing all the evil he can from his position ofpower. Centuries of princely seclusion in aworld remote from realities had weakened the Osman blood. Nevertheless, to portray a man as unremittingly evil would be bothmisleading and self-defeating. Yet in comparison with him many of his Ministerswere educated men. Wittlin is much more gracious in his final estimation of Hamid.Wittlin writes of the mysterious calls "Long Live the Sultan" coming fromsomewhere in the edifice to which Hamid had been exiled, and the discoverythat the calls were coming not from hard-core supporters of the disgracedSultan, but from a flock of trained parrots: "They had been trained to cry'Long Live the Sultan!' whenever the sun went down and the evening prayerwas heard. Again, we should keep in mind that Wittlin is writing apsychological study of Hamid and does not carry into his work the personal,cultural and political biases which mark the works of Bedickian and Pears.Thus we read in Wittlin of the final days in power of Hamid and histhoughts as the revolutionaries advance steadily to remove him power andplace him in exile: "He should come forth boldly from hiding, put aside theoutworn mask of godhead and confront his enemies as a man. . Life of Abdul Hamid. He did notintend that any untrustworthy person should be familiar with thisdwelling. His hatred and fear of Christianity and Armenians coalesced into themassacres for which his name is perhaps best known and most despised today,especially among the descendants of the Armenians he slaughtered. Espionage is deadly, and creates a nation ofliars and cowards . It was wellunderstood, however, at the time that the Moslem mob was actingaccording to the will, and even by express orders from, Abdul Hamid .. Thisapathy of Europe, and Abdul Hamid's crafty calculations on this apathyexplain his success in crime: his treacherous murders, his policy ofArmenian massacres, and all the corrupting methods of government, whichhe has handed down to those who turned him out and succeeded him" (Ibid.v-vi).The sources, taken together, portray Hamid as a man who was a mastermanipulator, a man who knew how to carry out his policies of terror andcorruption and genocide effectively while at the same time minimizing thepossibility of greater forces preventing him from carrying out thosepolicies. The implication of Wittlin's remark is that, underlying all ofHamid's horrible deeds, the Sultan at least had good intentions. Again, these larger events were in part the effects of the actions ofHamid himself and revealed his character, but they were also in part theresults of historical and political forces which existed before Hamid tookover power. " (Wittlin 6) While Wittlin tries to keep Hamid in the context of history andglobal political change, S.V. . Power tends to corrupt, and absolute powertends to corrupt absolutely, as the saying goes, and we find such absolutecorruption in Hamid and in his rule through 19 8 when he was deposed andsent into exile. one of thegreat and decisive developments in modern history --- the trend of the Easttowards Western civilization . Hamid accordingly sought refuge for himself and his people in areturn to more strict adherence to conservative Moslem practices: "A returnto the ancient customs, a turning away from Europe, was the order of theday, reinforced by a propaganda of hysterical self-adulation and hatred ofall things foreign" (Ibid. His thoughtsflew far and wide, embracing the most grandiose plans, but his nerve failedhim when he came to envisage the first practical steps" (Wittlin 272). Inspired by theirpriests, the Turkish people turned a bold face to the war. . Of the three sources consulted for this study, two are unabashedlycritical of Hamid and his despotic rule, and one attempts to maintainobjectivity. Policy he had none, but his conduct of public affairsgreatly weakened his government. He endeavoured to govern the country on what heconsidered were the lines of the greatest of his predecessors andsucceeded in copying only their barbarism (Ibid. 3-4). One might make thesame argument as a way of appreciating Hitler: the world war he started andhis slaughter of Jews led to the creation of the nation of Israel and theUnited Nations. . He wasalways vindictive. Editor Williams in the Preface to Pears, study of the life of AbdulHamid writes that all that can be said about Hamid is that he "may justlylay claim to be included among those who have helped in large measure tomake or mar the world into which we were born" (Pears v.). 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